Jerusalem Center for Public Affairs Institute for Contemporary
Affairs founded jointly with the Wechsler Family Foundation
JERUSALEM ISSUE BRIEF Vol. 2, No. 23 27 March 2003
The Influence of Palestinian Organizations on Foreign News
Reporting Dan Diker
"Television loves emotions and cares less about facts. The
Palestinians don't care about losing people, and the Israelis can't
fight that," said one senior international news organization
representative.
"Arafat and his multi-layered security apparatus have muzzled local
press critics via arbitrary arrests, threats, physical abuse, and the
closure of media outlets," frightening most Palestinian journalists
into self-censorship, according to the Independent Committee for
Protection of Journalists.
In Arabic, the word for "news media" (i'laam) is the same word used
for "public relations."
Foreign news agencies have become dependent on Palestinian
cameramen, frequently residents of the West Bank, since Israeli
cameramen are prohibited by the IDF from working in the Palestinian
areas. The result is TV news pictures that focus daily on Palestinian
victims.
Since the outbreak of Palestinian violence in September 2000,
Palestinian leaders have succeeded in using the international news
media to mobilize world opinion in favor of the Palestinian narrative,
depicting the Palestinian "David" defending his homeland against the
Israeli "Goliath." Televised images of Palestinian suffering portray a
human drama that wins the news media war. As a senior source associated
with an international news organization said recently, "Television
loves emotions and cares less about facts. The Palestinians don't care
about losing people, and the Israelis can't fight that."1
Playing by Palestinian Authority Rules
Most foreign correspondents, and particularly local Palestinian
stringers who report from the West Bank and Gaza for Jerusalem-based
foreign news bureaus, operate under an unspoken but firm set of rules.
They avoid reporting stories involving widespread human rights abuses,
high-level corruption and financial mismanagement, and violence between
Palestinian groups that could prove embarrassing to Arafat and senior
Palestinian officials.2
According to a 2001 report by the Independent Committee for Protection
of Journalists, "In the nearly seven years since the Palestinian
National Authority assumed control over parts of the West Bank and
Gaza, Chairman Yasser Arafat and his multi-layered security apparatus
have muzzled local press critics via arbitrary arrests, threats,
physical abuse, and the closure of media outlets. Over the years the
Arafat regime has managed to frighten most Palestinian journalists into
self-censorship."3
The Palestinian Authority does not maintain an official press center
similar to Israel's Government Press Office. However, the
Ramallah-based Palestine Media Center (PMC) is described as "an
independent official institution established and directed by Yasser
Abed Rabbo, Minister of Culture and Information of the Palestinian
National Authority."4 The PMC is heavily funded by the European Union;
it may not be a coincidence, therefore, that European news
organizations have largely avoided reporting stories that are critical
of the Palestinian Authority.5
According to an Arab-Israeli journalist who assists Jerusalem-based
foreign media outlets, Abed Rabbo views media relations as an extension
of the Palestinian cause.6 The PA information minister made this idea
clear to an official Foreign Press Association (FPA) delegation that
met with him in September 2001 to protest Palestinian Authority threats
against foreign and Palestinian free-lance photographers who took
pictures of Palestinian street celebrations following the September
11th attacks on the U.S. Abed Rabbo reportedly told the senior FPA
representatives in no uncertain terms, "Palestinian national interests
would come before freedom of the press."7
A former Arab and Palestinian affairs reporter for Israel Television
noted that Palestinians have not yet developed an appreciation for a
free news media. In Arabic, the word for "news media" (i'laam) is the
same word that is frequently used for "public relations."8
Palestinian "Fixers": The Short Route to Palestinian Leaders
Most foreign journalists are not fluent in either Arabic or
Hebrew, rendering them dependent on a network of local Palestinian
"fixers," mostly young, educated Palestinians who speak Arabic, Hebrew,
and English. Palestinian fixers, who until recently have been fully
accredited by Israel's Government Press Office, know their way around
Israel, the West Bank and Gaza, arrange interviews with Palestinian
officials, and introduce journalists to their own circle of local
acquaintances. As a rule, working with a good fixer translates into
getting interviews with top Palestinian leaders and moving safely
around the territories. An Arabic-speaking Israeli journalist who
avoids using fixers noted that most fixers trumpet the PLO narrative
and terminology of the conflict, which frequently collides
with established historical facts and international law. Moreover,
Palestinian security forces watch carefully what is said by local
residents to both foreign and local journalists.9
According to senior foreign news sources based in Jerusalem, the
vast majority of Palestinian fixers - often close friends of
Palestinian employees of Jerusalem-based foreign news agencies - are
ideologically motivated by the Palestinian cause, and actively
encourage journalists to report exclusively on the "evils" of the
Israeli occupation, rather than on the lack of democratic freedoms or
human rights abuses in the West Bank and Gaza.10
Arafat's "Management" of Foreign Press Interviews
Numerous foreign reporters have learned that interviews with the PA
chairman are not open invitations to ask tough questions. On March 29,
2002, Arafat hung up on CNN's Christianne Amanpour during a telephone
interview from his besieged Mukata compound after Amanpour asked the PA
leader repeatedly whether "he was able to rein in the violence."11
In another instance, in 1999, a reporter from the German newspaper
Der Spiegel asked Arafat about widespread reports of corruption in
the Palestinian Authority. Upon hearing the question, Arafat reportedly
accused the reporter of being a member of the Israeli security services
and promptly had him removed. The German reporter's fixer, a former
Palestinian diplomat who had been based in Germany, convinced his
foreign client to write Arafat a letter of apology, but Arafat refused
to allow the reporter to return.12
On January 6, 2003, Seif al-Din Shahin, a senior Gaza correspondent
for Qatar's Al Jazeera News Agency, was arrested by Arafat's
Palestinian General Intelligence on charges of "inflicting damage to
the interests and reputation of the Palestinian people and their
struggle," for reporting that the Al Aksa Brigades, part of the PLO's
military wing, had claimed responsibility for the double suicide
bombing in Tel Aviv the night before.13
Reliance on Palestinian Cameramen
Palestinian camera operators, frequently residents of the West Bank,
today film the vast majority of foreign TV news coverage in the
territories.14 Foreign news agencies have become dependent on
Palestinians, since Israeli camera people are prohibited by the IDF
from working in the Palestinian areas. Palestinian camera operators are
also far less expensive than their Israeli or foreign news colleagues.
The result is that TV news pictures, broadcast internationally from
the territories, focus daily on Palestinian dead and wounded,
massive demonstrations and funerals, close-ups of local hospital and
morgue victims, homes of mourning Palestinian families, and destroyed
Palestinian buildings and fields. Missing is a measure of balance that
might show images of the Palestinian-initiated violence, including
shootings, bombings, and rocket attacks on Israeli troops and
civilians, that prompt Israeli military responses.
Perhaps the best example of the pitfalls of reliance on
Palestinian cameramen was the filming of the death of young Muhammad
al-Dura by Palestinian cameraman Talal Abu Rahama working for France 2
television. While al-Dura, apparently killed in the crossfire between
Israeli troops and Palestinian police, became a symbol of the intifada
and was used as a blood libel against Israel, the photographer later
denied claiming that the IDF killed the boy.15
Following several formal investigations, the raw footage of the
shooting revealed that Palestinian photographers were part of the event
and submitted edited footage to foreign networks. Another German
inquiry went even further by concluding that Palestinians staged the
killing with the cooperation of some foreign journalists and the United
Nations.16
Palestinian Intimidation of Foreign News Reporters
The lynching of two Israeli reservists inside a Palestinian police
station in October 2000 would change the rules of Western news
reporting on Palestinian violence. Nasser Atta, a Palestinian producer
with ABC, recalled on Ted Koppel's "Nightline" how his cameraman was
beaten and his crew prevented from filming the grisly lynchings.17
According to first-hand reports, Palestinian security forces also
surrounded a Polish TV crew who were beaten and relieved of their
tapes.18 A foreign correspondent noted that in "post-Ramallah where all
good will was lost, he would be a lot more sensitive about going places
in the territories."19 A day after the Ramallah lynchings, an Italian
journalist, who had suffered a separate beating by a rioting Arab mob
in Jaffa, penned a letter in English to Palestinian officials promising
never to violate journalistic ethics by transmitting film to an embassy
or government.20
Following the September 11, 2001, terror attacks on the United States,
an AP photographer's life was threatened by Palestinian officials for
taking photographs of widespread Palestinian street celebrations.
Arafat's Cabinet Secretary, Ahmed Abdel Rahman, reportedly said, "The
Palestinian Authority cannot guarantee the life of the cameraman if the
footage was broadcast."21 Despite a strongly-worded protest by the
Foreign Press Association to the Palestinian Authority, some foreign
journalists made peace with the fact that intimidation is a price of
reporting the conflict.22
Palestinian Hospitality Versus Uncooperative Israeli Officials
Palestinian leaders have become well respected among the foreign press
corps for welcoming foreign journalists as honored guests during
meetings and interviews. Palestinian leaders also go to great lengths
to make themselves available to correspondents even at inconvenient
times. For example, PA official Saeb Erekat sent his personal
chauffeured limousine to pick up a Danish reporter and film crew at an
IDF checkpoint for an interview.23
In contrast, some leading foreign journalists have long complained
about a general lack of cooperation by Israeli government officials
towards the foreign press.24 The Prime Minister's Office and IDF
officials have been known to take several hours or more before issuing
responses to breaking news in the territories, due in part to
requirements of the military censor. Israeli authorities are also often
reluctant to provide informative material to foreign news
correspondents, even following terror attacks.25
Foreign Media Coordination with the PA
Danny Seaman, Director of Israel's Government Press Office, has charged
that Palestinian employees of several major international news
agencies, including the Associated Press and Reuters, regularly
coordinate their news coverage with Palestinian officials. According to
the GPO, Marwan Barghouti, leader of Fatah in the West Bank and now
imprisoned in Israel, issued early warnings to the foreign networks
about impending Palestinian shooting attacks on Gilo, so that the film
crews could capture Israeli return fire on neighboring Beit Jalla.26
Although Seaman's charges were rejected by Dan Perry, chairman of the
Foreign Press Association, Seaman has refused to renew press
credentials for many Palestinian journalists and producers. Avigdor
Yitzhaki, director general of the Prime Minister's Office, and Seaman's
boss, commented: "Do you think that everywhere else, anyone can receive
press credentials? I haven't seen any Iraqi journalists covering
the President of the United States."27
* * * Notes 1. Interview with a senior international network news
official, December 8, 2002. 2. Bassem Eid, Palestinian human rights
activist, November 17, 2002. Palestinian opposition to discussing
intra-Palestinian strife with the foreign press was also reported by a
bureau chief of a major American daily newspaper at a meeting in
Jerusalem on November 26, 2002. 3. Judy Balint, "Palestinian Harassment
of Journalists," Worldnetdaily.com and Emunah magazine, February 25,
2001, www.jerusalemdiaries.com/doc/20. Frequent instances of
self-censorship by Palestinian journalists were also confirmed in a
meeting with a deputy bureau chief of a leading Jerusalem-based news
agency, November 17, 2002. 4. From the PMC website,
www.palestine-pmc.com/about.asp. 5. Bassem Eid, Palestinian human
rights activist, November 17, 2002. 6. According to a prominent "fixer"
from eastern Jerusalem, who also reports on Arab affairs for a major
Israeli newspaper, November 29, 2002. 7. Interview with a deputy bureau
chief of a leading Jerusalem-based international news agency, November
17, 2002. 8. Moshe Cohen, former Arab affairs reporter, Israel Channel
One News, November 14, 2002. 9. Moshe Cohen, November 17,
2002. 10. According to a well-known Palestinian "fixer" who works with
leading European TV networks, November 29, 2002. Palestinian human
rights activist Bassem Eid also confirmed this point on November 17,
2002. 11. www.cnn.com/2002/WORLD/meast/03/29/arafat.cnna/. 12.
Bassem Eid, November 17, 2002. For other instances of
Palestinian intimidation of the press, see Freedom House 2000
report, www.freedomhouse.org/pfs2000/reports.html#ispa, and the 2000
Amnesty International Annual
Report, web.amnesty.org/web/ar2001.nsf/webmenafr?OpenView, "Palestinian
Authority: Silencing Dissent" (AI Index: MDE 21/016/2000). 13. See
Honest
Reporting.com, honestreporting.com/articles/critiques/Tel_Aviv_Fallout.asp. 14.
According to a senior source at a Jerusalem-based international
news organization, November 17, 2002. 15. "Who Killed Muhammad Al
Dura? Blood Libel - Model 2000," Jerusalem Viewpoints, No. 482, July
15, 2002, Jerusalem Center for Public Affairs. 16. Ibid. 17. Judy
Balint, "Palestinian Harassment of Journalists,"
Worldnetdaily.com, February 25, 2001. 18. Ibid. 19. Ibid. 20.
Ibid. 21. "AP protests threats to freelance cameraman who filmed
Palestinian rally," September 12, 2001,
arabterrorism.tripod.com/terrorism3.html. 22. Judy Balint, "Palestinian
Harassment of Journalists." 23. According to Moshe Maoz, an Israeli
free-lance cameraman who works with Danish Television, December 8,
2002. 24. Jay Bushinsky, former chairman, Foreign Press Association, in
remarks made at the Ariel Media Conference, March 3, 2002. 25.
Working Paper, "Israel in the New International Environment: The
Media and Legal Arenas; The Balance of Israel's National Security,"
Herzliya Conference, December 2002. 26."Why Israel's Image Suffers,"
interview with Government Press Office Director Danny Seaman, Kol Hair,
October 13, 2002. 27. Aviva Lori, "The Seaman Code," Ha'aretz, December
27, 2002.
* * * Dan Diker is a Knesset and economic affairs reporter for
Israel Broadcasting Authority's English News. He is also media affairs
consultant at the Jerusalem Center for Public Affairs/Institute for
Contemporary Affairs, founded jointly with the Wechsler Family
Foundation.
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